Kharia Adivasi
The Kharia is one of the Adivasi Groups of the Jharkhand State. They are found in the districts of Ranchi, Gumla, Singhbhum (East and West both), Hazaribag. They are racially proto-anstraloid and linguistically Munda family of languages. their language has been badly affected by their neighbours. They speak and understand Hindi and also broken form of Bengali. The Kharia claim that they are the descendants of the elder brother of the Munda, the Nagvanshi Raja. They do not enter in the house of Nagvanshi Raja following the avoidance rule of kinship usage. The Kharia are divided in the three sections namely Hill Kharia, Dudh Kharia and Dhelki Kharia. In the district of Ranchi, they are concentrated on the banks of the river Koel and Sankh. The Hill Kharias are most primitive community. They are still dependent upon forest resources. They do the collection of edible herbs, roots, leaves, flowers, fruits, seeds, honey, wax etc. The Dudh Kharia and the Dhelki Kharias are better off than the Hill Kharia. They have taken to plough cultivation. So far as the manner and customs of these three sections of the Kharia are concerned, they are separate and distinct branches of the Kharia tribe. Marriage does not take place between these three sections. Each section exists as endogamous tribe. The Hill Kharia is also known as Savar. Their description has been present the ethnography of only the Dudh Kharia and the Dhelki Kharia.
Culture
The Kharia live in and around the Hill ranges of the Chotanagpur. Their villages are situated on the hills as well as the plain surrounded by hill ranges covered with thick forest. The Kharia erect their houses with bamboo, wood, mud, Khar grass, straw and rope prepared from the tree bark. The houses are generally rectangular in shape. They do not contain window. They have door made up of wooden and iron bolts. The houses are not arranged serially. They are scattered here and there. The house consists of one room and verandah with courtyard. The same room is used as bed room, store room and kitchen. The verandah is used as guest room and keeping goats, chicks, ducks etc. Attached to the house, they have cow-shed and pigsty.
In side the house, they have earthen pots, aluminium pots, bronze vessel, brass Thali, tumbler and some steel utensils. They have iron-Tawa, knife, Karahi and Chholani. They have Pidha, cot and Machia. They possess mats, baskets, winnowing tray, rope made articles and wooden racks. Lorha-Silaut, Khal-Musali, Denki, Janta are also found in their house.
The agricultural equipments are Kudal, Khanta, Khurapi, gaiti, axe, hammer, plough, Juath and Henga. The fishing equipments are Kumni, Muchu and Ghunghi. The hunting implements consist of bows, arrows and Gulel. The trapping instruments are nets. Their musical instruments consist of Nagara, Kartal, Dol and flute. They also make sounds from clasping their hands and whistling from the mouth at the time of performing dance.
The children in early childhood wear only ganji or shirt in upper part of body. Their lower part of body generally remains naked. But in late childhood, boys wear paint, ganji and shirt, while girls wear paint, frock and salwar-suits. Men wear only half Dhoti and Ganji at the time of work and in the house and village. But when they have to go out of the village, they wear full dhoti, ganji, Kurta and Gamachha. The aged women wear Sari, Sata and Jhula, but the young women wear Sari, Saya and blouse.
The Kharia women are fond of ornaments. They wear ornaments in hair, neck, nose, ear, wrist, feet and fingers, the ornaments are made up of brass, bronze, nickel, shell, thread, seed, silver, imitation of gold and silver.
Family
Family is the smallest form of society. It is the centre of social, economic, political and religious activities. The Kharia family is nuclear in structure. Joint families are rare. In the nuclear family of the Kharia, father, mother and unmarried children reside together. The married children establish their own families and start cooking food separately. The aged parents are looked after by the families of sons. The daughters have to go to the village of the husband after marriage. The property is inherited by the sons only. Daughters do not get property of father in inheritance.
The Kharia family is patriarchal and patrilineal. The head of the family is father. Although he is head of the family and has final say in the decision of the family, but he does not take decision without consulting his wife and young children. The decision is usually arrived by mutual consent of the husband, wife and children. In order to run the family smoothly, there is division of labour. The wife is incharge of the food materials, cooking and other kind of household chores. The husband is incharge of cattle, cattle shed and agricultural fields. The children assist their parents in household chores. The aged look after the house and kids when young members go to work out side the house.
The relation between husband and wife is generally good. Both co-operate each other and have full faith. Both struggle hard to maintain the family. The get up early in the morning and go to bed by 9 PM. Both labour hard to raise the family income and to feed the children, aged and themselves. The husband wife relation gets sour when any one develops extra marital relation. Minor quarrels between husband and wife takes place on many occasion but they are resolved through children and compromising tendency of each other. But extra marital relation is taken very bad. It leads to divorce and separation when the charge is proved in presence of the community Panchayat.
The relation between parents and children is also very good. The parents love their children very much. There is no concept of reward and punishment for the children. They are given full freedom to eat, play and sleep. The children, too, love their parents very much. They obey them and assist in family work.
The relation between siblings is also good. In the early childhood, brothers and sisters eat together, play together and sleep together. They also quarrel among themselves. But the quarrel is resolved by the parents. In late childhood, they start maintaining distance. Brothers play with the boys of own age group and sisters’ play with the girls of own age group. The brothers perform work outside the house and sisters assist mother in the performing of household chores. They also cook food, serve to brothers and wash the plate left after eating food. After marriage, the sisters settle permanently in the village of their husbands. They come only on invitation to participate in ceremonies and functions. They have their own family life and children. The married brothers live in the same village but in different families. After marriage, all brothers and sisters have their family. Now they maintain relation through reciprocal exchange of invitation, visit, food, feast, money, gift, respect and hospitality. The relation between families of brothers gets bitter at the time of division of property. But the relationship is restored through the decision of the community Panchayat. The relation between the families of brothers and sisters get bitter when proper request and hospitality is not made.
The relation of the Kharia family with the families of the lineage, clan and same tribe is generally good. The relation becomes tensile on break of incest taboo. They maintain relation by mutual exchange of invitation, food items, feast, service, money, gift, hospitality and Vidai.
The relation of the Kharia families with the families of other tribes and castes of the village and neighbouring villages are also very tolerable. They meet in forest, field, working site and Haat. They have mutual exchange of news and views.
Marriage
The Kharia believe that for the continuation of family name, progeny and the tribe race, marriage is essential. The marriage comes in the life of all individuals of both sexes. The Kharia practise monogamy but in case of brrenness, impotency, widowhood and widowerhood, They practice bigamy and in few cases even tri-gamy. At the time of marriage, they practice endogamy and exogamy. The marriage of a Kharia boy is held held only with a Kharia girl and vice-versa. Inter-tribe marriage is taken as social offence and the offenders are ousted from the community. They are fined heavily and on the payment of fine they are included in the community. For the purpose of marriage the Kharia are divided into a number of clans which are exogamous. Some important clans of the Dhelki Kharia are Murhu, Soren, Samad, Barliha, Charha, Hansada and Topno. Some important clans of the dudha Kharia are Dungdung, Kulu, Samad, Bilung, soreng, Ba, Toppo and Kiro. Clan plays vital role in the negotiation of the marriage. The boy and the girl should not belong to the same clan because intra clan marriage is not allowed.
The usual way of acquiring marriage mate in the Kharia is by bride price. But marriage mate can also be acquired by service, love, elopement and gloat. For the purpose of marriage of son, the father of the boy goes to the father of the girl with marriage proposal. When the marriage proposal is accepted by the father of the girl, talk on demand of bride prices goes on. The father of the girl demands bride price. The bride price is demanded in cash and kind. In kind, dresses of bride, ornaments of bride, dresses of brides parents, grand parents, brothers, sisters, rice, pulse, vegetable and goat are demanded. In the demand of the bride price several rounds of talk go on. When the father of the boy agrees to meet the demand of the bride price, the marriage is declared settled. The village priest is called to fix a suitable date for the marriage. The marriage is generally held in between December to May. Now days some Kharia are well educated and placed at high posts. They give costly gifts and presentation to the bride and the groom at the time of marriage.
The bride price is paid a week before the marriage. The male relatives come to pay the bride-price. They are extended a warm welcome and a ground feast of rice, meat and Handia is organised in their respect and hospitality. In the next morning they are extended Vidai with some sweets purchased from the local Haat.
After the payment of bride price, the fathers of the bride and the groom invite their paternal, maternal and affinal kins to participate in the marriage. The invitation is served orally by moving village to village of the relatives. The invitation is served with sun-fried rice, dub grass and Haldi. The male and female kins start visiting the house of the bride and the groom. They bring with them sun-fried rice, Haldi and dub grass. They also bring rupees and dresses to give as gift.
First of all the ritual of Mitti Korai (digging soil) is done by the female kins. They go to the field singing and dancing. The Phua (father’s sister) digs the soil and the mother collects it in a small basket. They return singing and dancing. They make hearth from the soild and share the feast. After the ritual of the Mitti Korai, the bride and the groom have to observe a number of taboos on their food, visit, walking, bathing and clothes. The beautificatory rituals are held for five days right from the day of Mitti Korai. The female kins apply the Ubtan, Haldi and oil over the entire body of the bride and the groom. Kajal is put in their eyes. They are not allowed to change the cloth and perform bath. They are not allowed to go out of house and to eat meat.
A day before the marriage, the ritual of erecting Marawa is held in the house of the bride and the groom. The male kins erect the Marawa with bamboo, Khar, leaves and rope. After erecting the marawa, the community members present there are served feast.
On the day of marriage, the bride and the groom are allowed for purificatory bath. The male kins bring pure water from the well or pond. The female kin clean the body of the bride and the groom at the time of bathing. After bathing the bride and the groom are given marriage dresses to wear. The bride decorates herself by ornaments, flowers, Mehandi and Kajal. The groom decorates himself by shell beads, leaves and flower beads, Kajal, etc.
The groom sits in a Palanquin which is carried by the male kins or Mahli tribe hired for this purpose. The female kins sing songs and perform Totaka to save the groom from the attack of evil spirits. They spray sunfried rice, water, flower, Dub grasses etc. over the groom and the Palanquin for happy marriage and return with the bride. The male kins the groom wears new dresses or clean dresses and accompanies the Palanquin carrying the groom in the form of Barat Party.
As soon as the Barat Party reaches in the village of the bride, the male kins of the bride accorded a warm welcome by shaking hand and offering flowers. They are brought at the door of the bride’s house amidst the scene of playing musical instruments and singing and dancing. The Pahan of the bride’s side, the father of the bride and the female kin of the bride offers worship to the groom and Barat Party by spraying water, sunfried rice and flowers. Then the members of the Barat party are brought at a suitable place for night halt. They are requested to wash their hands, face and feet. They are served Sweets, Dalmot and handia in respect and hospitality. After this, the female kin of the bride come singing song to bring the groom in the Marawa for the marriage. The groom accompanies them. When the groom reaches in the Marawa, the bride is also brought there. The bride sits by the side of the groom. The companions of the bride cut a number of jokes. The Pahan of the bride’s and the groom’s side enchant mantras and the groom is asked to put vermillion in the forehead of the bride. Then the bride and the groom are asked to make round of the fire tank seven times. This marks the end of the marriage. The ritual is followed by dance and song. The members present there take Handia upto their last desire. Then all members shave the feast of rice, meat and vegetable.
In the morning, the vidai of the bride and the groom is done. The bride and the groom visit each elder one by one and touch their feet to get blessing for peaceful and prosperous marital life. The elders also give them some money as gift. They also meet each youngsters present there. The youngsters present them flowers and congratulate them. Amidst the tearful scene, the bride sits in the Palanquin. Some sweets and basket containing dresses and decorative materials of the bride are put in the Palanquin. The groom also sits in the same Palanquin.
After the Vidai of the bride and the groom, the Vidai of the members of the Barat Party is also done. The male kins of the bride go to the place of stay of the Barat. They serve Handia and break fast to all members. They embrace each other according to age and relation and seek excuse for providing poor hospitality.
As soon as the Palanquin carrying the bride and the groom reaches at the door of the groom’s house, the female kins extend a warm welcome offering worship, song and dance, Then the bride and the groom and brought in the marawa putting step by step in basket. The groom and the bride seek the blessings of all elders present there. They also seek the blessings of the family deities. Then all members present there share the feast.
The bride stays in the house of the father-in-law for a week. After a week her father comes to bring her back. The father of the groom makes Vidai of the bride by giving dresses and money. The bride stays in the mayake for a year. On prior information, the groom goes to bring the bride after a year. The father of the bride makes Vidai of the bride and the groom by dresses, money, mat, baskets, utensils etc. The couple start leading a family life. They live in a separate room. They start cooking separately from the money earned by the husband. They reproduce children and struggle hard to provide food, cloth and shelter to the family members.
The marriage witnesses the assemblage of paternal, maternal and affinal relatives. It also witnesses the mutual exchange of invitation, visit, service, money, gift, respect and hospitality.
Kinship
The kinship system of the Kharia presents a model of relationship based on parentage and marriage. They believe that the blood of the parents carry in the children. So, the ascendants and descendants are related through blood. On this concept the maternal kins, paternal kins, siblings and lineage and clan are treated as consanguine kin groups. They believe that if the boy and the girl are related through the father’s or the mother’s side up to three generation, they become blood relatives and marriage between them does not take place. They also treat cousins as blood relatives and parallel cousin or cross-cousin marriages do not take place.
They believe that marriage is carrier of blood relation from one generation to the next. Although Sagotra marriage does not take place and the wife is brought from the other clan, but wife is included in blood relative. Through the wife the blood relation reaches from one generation to the next by reproduction and nourishment. After marriage, an individual has his paternal, maternal and affinal relatives.
The marriage not only binds two individuals of opposite sex of the same tribe but different clans in the relationship of husband and wife, but it crates a set of affinal relatives. The husband is attached to all family members. Paternal kins and maternal kins of the bride in kinship bond. Similarly, the wife is attached to all family members, paternal kins and maternal kins of the groom in kinship bond. Not only is this, but all family members, maternal kins and paternal kins of the bride and the groom also attached to one another through kinship bond. Thus, a network of relationship is created through the marriage.
In the Kharia society, the lineage and clan are patrilineal. The inheritance and the succession are also patrilineal. The residence is patrilocal.
The Kharia use classificatory as well as descriptive kinship terminology. The terms chachera, Mausera, Phuphera and Mamera are classificatory terms. The term Samadhi and samadhin are also classificatory terms. In order to express the exact relation, they use descriptive terms. They categorise the cousanguineal and affinal relatives through nearness and distance. Again they categorise their affinal and consanguineal relatives on the basis of age, sex lineality, colaterality, affinity and place.
The Kharia follow the kinship usages of avoidance joking and takenonymy at the time of behaviour. Sas-damad, Sasur-Damad, Sas-Putoh, Sasur-Putoh, Bhawah-Bhainsur, jethala-Bahnoi, Jethali-Bahnoi, Samadhi-Samadhin etc. behave following the rule of avoidance. Jija-Sala, Jija-Sali, Nanad-Bhabhi, Devar-Bhabhi, Sarha, Nandoi, Samadhi-Samadhi and Samadhin-Samadhin behave following the rule of joking. Husband-wife and avoiding relatives behave following the rule of takenonymy.
The relationship between different families of kin is maintained through mutual exchange of invitation, visit, gift, money, presentation, service, respect and hospitality.
Birth
Birth is regarded as very joyous occasion in the family. It makes the couple fertile and washes the stain of barrenness. It enhances the status of husband and wife as father and mother. The birth carries the blood relation and family name from one generation to the next. In the Kharia society, the birth of both sexes is celebrated equally. The family, lineage, clan, inheritance and succession all are atrilineal, but for the continuation of the family name and race, the existence of female is also equally important. Each couple desire for the children of both sexes. Majority of the Kharia couple want first child as daughter and the second child as son. The childless couples are not treated will in the society. They are abused as witchcraft.
The birth generally takes place in the house. But incase of complications, woman is brought in the hospital. Those families whose income is good or who are engaged in jobs visit the hospital for the delivery. When delivery takes place in house, the Kusarain attends the birth. The navel is cut by a knife or a blade now days. Delivery wastes are buried in the ground. The birth brings pollution for five days for the mother and the child. No family member is allowed to enter in the delivery room. Only attendant can remains with the mother and the child. The food is served to the mother through the attendant. The baby is served milk within an hour after delivery. The first few drops of the milk are put on the ground. The attendant message oil in the body of the baby and the mother both ends for five days. Every care is taken to save the child from the attack of evil spirits. A small branch of the thorny plant is cut and put at the door of the delivery room. Fire is burnt round the clock. A lamp is kept lighted for the whole night. A knife or sickle is place by the side of the mother to save the baby from the attack of evil spirits.
On 6th day, Chhathi ritual is performed. The delivery room, courtyard, clothes of mother and child are washed properly. The mother and the baby are allowed for a purificatory bath in presence of the female members of the community. The attendant plays Thali at the time of bathing. After bathing, the mother wears a new dress or a clean dress. The child is covered in a clean cloth. The mother offers worship in the name of the family deities by offering fire, ghee and dhup. She also seeks blessing of the child. She seeks the blessings of the all elder members present there. All elder members put oil on the head of the woman and the child as blessings. Then the Phua (husband’s sister) puts Kajal on the forehead, eye, palm and feet.
The ritual of name giving is held after a month of the Chhathi. The senior member fo the family puts the name of the baby. In putting name, day, month, festival etc. are taken in the consideration. The food serving ritual is held after the eruption of first tooth. The Mundan ritual is held when the baby attains the age of two years and the ear boring ritual takes place after three years of age.
Death
The Kharia are aware of the death reality. They know well that every birth is followed by the death. But in between birth and death an individual has to pass through the stages of infancy, childhood, younghood, adulthood and oldhood. The stage of oldhood is followed by the death and rebirth. No body surprises to hear the news of death of an old person because every body knows that after oldhood death is expected to come any time. The death during oldhood transform the oldbody into new one by rebirth or as ancestral spirits. After rebirth, a life is to be led in this world. Ancestral spirits are offered worship on all ceremonial occasions. They also appear in dream and demand worship. When the demand or worship is not met, they cause harm in a number of ways.
The death during childhood, younghood and adulthood is not taken good. Such deaths are treated as unnatural death. The souls of such persons do not get rebirth and place in ancestral world. They remain wondering and dissatisfied. They have to lead a life of Bhuta-Preta till rest years of age. They can not assume body but make attack on any one in the form of air. They make attack mostly on infant, Children, pregnant women, nursing mother, bride, groom and milch cattle. They are driven out by women, nursing mother, bride, groom and cattle. They are driven out by the Ojha. The Ojha tries to drive them out through request, sacrifice and finally by beating with shoe and stick.
The Kharia cremate the dead body as well as bury their dead. The non-Christian Kharia bury their dead in grave yard. But Sarana and Hindu Kharia cremate the dead body. When they face problem of fuel, they bury the dead body. The dead bodies of infants, children, pregnant women and persons meeting death in cholera, pox, leprosy etc. are also buried.
The death brings pollution for five days in the family, lineage group and the clan group. They do not eat oil, Haldi and meat. Women members do not wash their head and hairs. The male members do not shave, cut hairs, moustache and nail. In the morning of 10th days, the rooms and courtyards of the house are washed with cow dung. All clothes of the family members are washed. All utensils and the furniture are also washed properly. After performing these works, female members go to the pond to perform bath. They clean their hairs with soil and soap and perform bath properly. After bath, they wear clean clothes. They cut nail and colour their nails and feet. The male members have shaving of bears, hairs and moustache. They cut their nails. They go to perform bath on the bank of the pond or river. They come back and touch oil and haldi one by one in the house of the deceased person. They cook food and shave the feast. They put a memorial stone in nearby Sarna grove. After purificatory feast, the pollution period ends.
Economy
The economy of the Dhelki and the Dhud Kharia Depends upon agriculture and wage earning. They practise food collection, collection of forest produce, fishing and hunting to supplement their family income. Each Kharia family owns own house, homestead land, or bar land and cultivable land. Each family has plough and agricultural implements. In the Bari land crops such as Maize, marua, bean and vegetables are grown. The cultivable land of the Kharia is of two types (i) Don land and (ii) Tanr land. In Tanr land Vadai crops, as well as Kurathi, Til, Arahar, Tisi etc. are cultivated. In the Don land paddy is cultivated. The paddy is known as Agahani crops because paddy is harvested in the month of the Agahan, where as Vadai crops are harvested in the month of the Vado. Rabi crops are cultivated in Agahan and harvested in Chait month. The Garma crops are cultivated in Chaita month and harvested in Jayestha month. The cultivation of the Vadai and Agahani crops are more than the Rabi and Garma Crops. As they do not have assured means of irrigation, the cultivation of the Rabi crops and the Garma crops are negligible.
They do cultivation by dry and wet method. The cultivation of Vadai and Rabi crops is done by dry cultivation method. In this method, when the first rain falls and the land becomes plough-able in dry condition, the land is cultivated twice and thrice times. Then the seeds are dropped in the field. The seeds germinate in the moisture of the soil. The rain water provides irrigation in due course. In wet cultivation method, when the field is filled up with rain water, the field is ploughed twice or thrice times. Then levelling is done. After this paddy seedlings are transplanted. The cultivation of Agahani paddy is generally done by wet cultivation method. In dry cultivation method, the seeds are spread after ploughing and after levelling the field is left to grow the seedlings. In the wet cultivation of the paddy, first of all paddy seeds are dropped in the field either by dry cultivation or by wet cultivation method. When the seedlings becomes of four weeks, they are transplanted. Some Rabi crops like Khesari, Chana, Masuri are also cultivated by wet cultivation method. They are spread in the field of the paddy when the paddy is ready for harvestation.
Now days, some Kharia families have their own wells for the purpose of irrigation. They also have own diesel machine. They have attracted towards the cultivation of the cash crops like potato, tomato, brinjal, peas, bean, lady’s finger etc. They sell them in the local Haat and earn cash. They do not hire labour for cultivation. They do it by exchange of labour.
The agriculture provides engagement to the members of the Kharia community for 6 to 8 months in a year. For remaining 6 to 4 months, they have to depend up food collection of forest produce, and wage earning. In the forests are available in their habitat, they engage themselves in the collection of food, fuel and other kinds of forest produce. But they are facing problems in hunting and trapping birds and hares. They now prefer to earn wages in their off agricultural season. For this, they go to forest, mines, contractors, and brick kiln owners to get work and earn wages. But they do not get work regularly. They are also not paid as per the waged fixed by the Government time to time under Minimum Wages Acts.
Now-days, some members of the Dhelki and Dudh Kharia have been able to yet Government jobs as teacher, nurses, clerks etc. Their way and standard of living has changed. They are in a position to save something. But such persons mostly belonged to the Christian Kharia community.
The Kharia men, women and children visit the local haat with great enthusiasm. They do marketing of essential commodities and enjoy the visit of the Haat by buying and sharing Lakatho, Jilebi and Bhunja. They enjoy credit facilities in the market.
Political Organisation
In the society of the Kharia, break of incest taboo, pre marital relation outside the tribe and inside the lineage and clan, extra marital relation, theft, inter-tribe marriage, intra gotra marriage etc. are taken as social crime. Disputes between brothers or two families appear over the division or property. Impotency, irresponsibility, haziness etc. are not tolerated and divorce is allowed in such cases. In order to solve such problems, the Kharia have village and inter village Panchayat. The head of the village panchayat is called Pradhan and the head of the inter village Panchayat is called Parahan Pradhan. These posts are hereditary. The decision of the Panchayat is obeyed by all. If any body is dissatisfied with the decision of the village Panchayat, he can go to the Parha Panchayat for justice. Now days, the decision of the Gram Pradhan and Parha Pradhan is also being challenged in the thana and court.
The Kharia are comparatively conscious politically. They know the names of the political parties and their symbols. Some are also members and the supporters of the political parties. They also have leaders from their own community. They go to cast their votes at the polling booth. Their voting behaviour is influenced by the leaders of their community.
Religion
The religion of the Kharia presents a mixture of tribalism, Hindusism and Christianity. They believe in Thakur Deo, Dharati Mai, Gram Deo, Burha-Burhi Deo, Nag Deo, Burn Deo, jal Deo, Fire God, etc. they also believe in ancestral spirits. They offer sacrifices to Gods, Goddesses and ancestral spirits on the occasion of worship. The worship is done with the help of the Pahan, the sacred specialist of the community. In order to please the Gods and spirits, they have to offer sacrifice. The sacrifice of goats, sheep, duck, chicks, eggs etc. are done.
They celebrate festivals like Sarhul, Karma, Sohrai, Jitia, dusehra, Dipawali and Ramnawami. They also worship Manasa Devi.
They also believe in witchcraft and Bhuta-Preta. For cure, they visit to the Ojha. The Christian Kharia visit Church believes in Church authority and celebrate Christian festivals.
Woman
The Kharia women are industrious by nature. They are custodian of household possessions and family customs and community traditions. They are the producer and nourish of the progeny. They are the first teacher and play significant role in the socialization process and inculcation of social virtues. But being women, they have to face a number of taboos which deprive them from their rights and freedom. They are not independent economically and socially.
Children
The Kharia children are the asset for the society. They are loved by all. They are neither rewarded nor punished. They are given full freedom to play. They are enrolled in school but they are not forced by the parents to go to study regularly. As a result, non attendance and drop outs persist many of them remains illiterate for which they have to repent for the whole life.
Youth
The youth are the real force of the community. They labour hard and shave the liabilities of the children and aged. But majority of Kharia youth are facing economic problems. Agriculture is not beneficial and does not provide engagement round the year. They are facing great problem in collection of food and forest produce due to Forest Regulation and Acts. They are not getting work regularly as Reja-Coolie. They are also not paid as per Minimum Wage Act fixed by the government. They have come in contact with modern society. They have also been attracted towards the modern life. But money prohibits them. In absence of money, they feel frustrated. The frustrations develop abnormalities in them. The cases of personality disorganization also appear among the youth. Some deviate in such a way that they adopt criminality as means of income.
Aged
The aged of the Kharia do not have economic value because they can neither work nor earn wages. But they have social and ritualistic value. For the family, they are asset because they have wealth of experience and guide the young generation at the time of trouble. They entertain the children by narrating stories, riddles, songs etc. they bless the young generation on the occasion of ceremonies, worship and festivals. They do not force their children to spend more on their treatment. They want only both ends meal in time. When the food is cooked, it is first served to the aged and then to the children.
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