Chero Adivasi
The Chero are of the Adivasi Groups of the State of Jharkhand. The Chero have been a warrior tribe. The Chero are also known as Cherus and Cherwas. In the district of Palamu, they are called as Barahazar (twelve thousand). At present the Chero are found in the Districts of Palamu, Latehar, Ranchi and Santhal Pargana. The major concentration of the Chero is in the Palamu district. They are found in the police stations of Daltonganj, Bharwadih, Latehar, Patan, Lesliganj, and Bhawanathpur. Some Chero are also found in Rohtas, Bhojpur, Gaya, Munger and Champaran districts.
The Chero community was a martial group searching for brighter destinies in new lands through war. They were never dependent for subsistence on any peaceful economic pursuit. In those days, each family had the members of the Chero combating force. After, the final loss of lordship, they became settled agriculturists like the others of the area. The Chero claim themselves as descendants of Kshatriya family called Chauhanvanshi Rajput. They also claim themselves as Chandravanshi (Moon descent). They want to call themselves as Rajput not as tribe or Scheduled Tribes. Being the descendants of the ruling family, they did not perform manual labour in their agriculture by own labour.
Culture
The Chero villages are situated in plain areas marks the hills and the forests. They erect houses with mud, bamboo, wood and tiles. The houses are rectangular in shape. The houses have doors but no windows. Houses are thatched with tiles. Some houses are double storey as well. Inside house one finds two rooms and verandah followed by courtyard. The house has wooden racks. Adhered to the house is cattle shed and the cattle shed is followed by the Bariland. The Chero are agriculturists. Each family has its own house, cattle shed, cattle Bari land and agricultural land and agricultural implements.
The household possessions of the Chero consist of earthen pots, bronze thali, Lota glass, brass Gagara, steel utensils and wooden pots. They have iron knife, Karahi and Chholani. They also have Tawa, Belna, Chakala. They have earthen hearths and storage of grains. They prepare baskets. They have cots and mats in their houses. Pida and Machia are also found. Okhali-Khal and Loraha-Silaut are household machines in the Chero family.
The men wear Dhoti and Ganji. They have Gamachha on head. They wear Kurta and slipper when then have to go somewhere. Women wear Sari, Saya and blouse. The boys wear paint, shirt and ganji. The girls wear frock-paint or Salwar suit.
The Chero women are found of ornaments. They like to wear ornaments in their ear, neck, arm, wrist, finger and feet. The ornaments are made up of steel, glass, shell, silver, thread and imitation of gold and silver. They also use flower, colour, vermillion, nail polish and mehandi to decorate their body.
They were never hunters gatherers and shifting cultivators. One finds, Bhala, Talwar, Ber, Barchcha, Ginda, bow arrow etc. as war weapons. The Chero purchase the materials from the local Haat.
Family
Family is the smallest form of society in the Chero community. It is the unit of production and consumption. It is also a centre of cultural, social, economic, political and religious activities. The family is patriarchal and all heads of the families are males or husbands. The Chero family is patrilineal. It consists of only the son’s family. Daughter’s families are excluded. The residence pattern is patrilocal. Inheritance and succession are also patrilineal. Daughters do not get inheritance and succession rights. On the basis of structure the family is nuclear. In this type of family father, mother and unmarried children live together, eat together and work together. Married sons and daughters establish separate houses to lead their family life. The old hood liabilities of the parents are shared by only sons because they inherit the property. Daughters do not get property in inheritance.
The Chero family is based on the cooperation and faith of the family members. The family members follow the division of labour to run the family smoothly. The females do the work of cooking and serving food. They perform work outside the house in the field. The children assist their parents in domestic work. The aged look after the kids, chicks and goat etc when men and women are out for work.
The husband – wife relation is very cordial. Both get up early in the morning and start work. They go to bed by 9 P.M. In this period, they perform household chores in the morning and evening. During day time they go to work in their own fields or to earn wages as casual labour. Both struggle hard to rear the children and meet family expenditure. They take family level decision with mutual consent. The husband = wife relation becomes sour on development of extra-marital relation, ignoring household chores, and behaving abnormally or cruelly. In minor conflict, the conflict is resolved after temporary suspension of talking, not sharing food, not cooking food etc. In such type of conflict, the children and neighbouring families play role in setting the minor disputes. But on development of extra marital relation, the conflict is resolved through community Panchayat. When the conflict is not settled even by the attempt of the Panchayat, the couple are allowed for the divorce. But the instances of divorce are rare. On divorce, the children live with father and the women has to go without children. In case of infant, the child is allowed to go with the mother. The divorced women are allowed for remarriage.
The Parent-Children relation is also very sweet and cordial. The parents are poor but they are not less emotional towards their children. The concept of reward and punishment is absent. Beating of children is rare. The maximum punishment is scolding. The parents try to fulfil the demands of the children within their economic limitations. They do not forget to bring their children in local Haat. They purchase Lakatho and Jilebi for the children. Lakatho and Jilebi are famous local sweets of the Haat. The children, too, love their parents very much. They obey them and assist in the performance of household chores. The parent children relation becomes sour when the children develop premarital relation with the same clan or outside the tribe with other tribe or caste. The panchayat makes fine for such behaviour which are paid by the parents.
The sibling relation is also very cordial. In the early childhood, siblings known by kinship terms like brother brother, sister-sister and brother-sister paly together, eat together, do little work together and sleep together. But in late childhood, the brother and sister start maintaining distance. Now they do not play together, eat together and sleep together. Brother play with the boys of their age group, the sister play with the girls of the own age group. Brothers assist their father in working field and sisters assist mother in household work. The sisters serve food to their brothers. They share food with their mother after serving food to father, brother and other members of the community. After marriage, sisters leave the house and go to stay with husbands in their villages. The brothers establish their separate family after marriage and live in the same village. They look after the old parents and inherit the property. Now brother-brother, sister-sister and sister-brother live in different families and at different place. But they maintain relation through exchange of invitation, visit, food, feast, loan and service on the occasion of ceremonies, festivals and worship. The relation between brother and brother become conflicting at the time of division of property. But the brother-sister relation remains without any conflict. When ever a sister visits in the house of a brother, she is welcomed and offered Vidai at the time of departure.
The relation of the Chero family with the families of the lineage and clan is also generally sweet. They observe pollution period at the time of death. They work as corporeal kin groups. They share joys and sorrows together. They maintain social relationship by reciprocal exchange of invitation, visit, food, feast, loan, service, plough, buffalo, oxen, agricultural implement, gift and presentation etc. at the time of ceremonies, festivals and agriculture. But the relationship turns bitter on adultery, extra marital relation, premarital relation, theft, and destruction of property. In this situation, the social relationship gets broken till the final decision of the community Panchayat.
The relation of the Chero with other tribes and castes of the village is also good. They are peace-loving and do not want to come in conflict with the other tribes and castes of the village. Being the members of the same village, they share joys and sorrows together. They show unity to solve the village level problem. They also maintain relation by reciprocal exchange of feast, food, labour, loan etc. But, on development of extra-marital relation, premarital relation, rape, adultery, theft, destruction of crops etc. The relationship gets bitter when the problem is not solved in the Panchayat, they visit to Thana Police and Court, too.
The Chero also have good relation with the people for the neighbouring villages with whom they meet frequently while working in the forest, field, working site, brick kilns etc. They also meet with each other in the weekly haat. They also have exchange of visit, invitation, labour, etc. But theft, cruel behaviour, rape and adultery change the good relation into very bad. It also leads to quarrel and severe beating. They also take help of thana-police and court.
Marriage
According to Chero belief, marriage is very important ritual because it binds not only two individuals of opposite sex for sex satisfaction, but it provides chance to reproduce children, continue progeny, transfer blood relation from one generation to the next and to lead a family life. The Chero usually follow the rule of monogamy, but bigamy and even tri-gamy are allowed exceptionally in case of barrenness, widow and widower, divorce, cruel behaviour etc. Levirate, sororate and widow remarriages are permissible. The way of acquiring marriage mate is by bride price. The bride price exists in cash and kind. The bride price in cash includes Rs. 50 to 101. In kind the bride price includes the dresses of the bride, groom, bride’s parents, sisters, brothers and other family members. For the purpose of marriage, tribe endogamy and clan exogamy are followed. For the negotiation of marriage, the father and relatives of the groom approach the father of the bride. When the bride price is accepted, the marriage is declared settled. The Brahman priest is called to announce a suitable date. The Brahman priest looks auspicious dates in Patra and announces one date after the consultation of the both parties. The bride price is to be paid before a week of the date of marriage. When bride price is not paid, the marriage is declared broken.
There are two ways by which marriage is performed one is dhola and the other is Chadhra. In case of Dhola the marriage is performed at the house of the groom. But in case of Chadhra, marriage is held at the house of the bride. The latter form of the marriage is very costly and followed only by well to do families. In both cases marriage procedure is similar.
In case of Dhola type, the father of the groom pays the bride price agreed at the time of negotiation. He takes the bride to his house on Palaki. All marriage rituals of the bride and the groom are performed there. The relatives of the bride also go there to attend the marriage ceremony and share the community feast.
In chadhra type marriage, the father of the boy has to pay the bride price a week before the date of the marriage. He also pays rice, pulse, vegetable, goat etc. To provide the marriage feast to th community members. When the bride price is paid, the father of the bride and the groom invite their respective maternal kins, paternal kin, affinal kins and friends to participate in the marriage ceremonies. In the house of the bride and the groom, rituals like Mati-kora and Marawa are held. In mati-kora ritual, the female kins take part. They go to field performing dance and singing Geet and dig out the soil to prepare hearths. The preparation of hearth is taken as very pious because hearth is a symbol of a separate family. After marriage, the bride and the groom lead a family life away from their parents. In the ritual of Marawa, the male kins of the bride and the groom erect a hut in the courtyard for the performance of marriage. Marawa is prepared with bamboo, Kashi grass and leaves; Marawa is erected in the house of both the bride and the groom.
A week before the marriage, the bride and the groom have to observe a number of taboos on food, visit, bath, clothes etc. They have to observe the beautificatory rituals like applying oil, ubatan Haldi and Kajal by the female kins twice per day. The bride and the groom are not allowed to do bath. On the day of marriage, they are allowed for bathing rituals. After bathing rituals, the bride and the groom are given new dresses to wear.
The groom sits on a Palaki (Palanquin) to visit the house of the bride. The Palaki is carried by the Bhuiyan or Kahar Castes. The female kins spray water, flower, sunfried rice, dub grass and ginger for successful marriage and happy return with the bride. The male kins of the groom follow the Palaki in the form of Barat Party. When the groom and the Barat Party reach in the village of the bride, the male kins of the bride extend hearty welcome by shaking hands, offering flowers and embracing each other. Then they are brought at a suitable place for night stay. They are asked to wash feet, hands and face. They are served Dal-mot, sweets and Handia in hospitality. After this, the groom is brought in the Marawa where the bride remains waiting for him. When the groom reaches in the Marawa, the female kins start singing Geet and performing dance. All members present there start dancing. Other members enjoy the scene by clapping hands.
The Brahman Priest enchants hymns and the groom puts vermillion in the forehead of the bride. The female kin welcomes the ritual by clapping hand, and performing dance. The bride and the groom are asked to visit seven times around the fire tank. This marks the end of the marriage. The bride and the groom are brought before the family deity to seek blessings. They also seek the blessings of the elders present there.
At the end of the marriage, all members share Handia and marriage feast prepared by the male kins of the bride.
In the morning, the Vidai of the bride and the groom is done in new dresses with food items and money. All relatives of the bride extends hearty send off to the bride amidst the the scene of tearful eyes. They see the Palanquin carrying the bride and the groom, till it does not disappear. The members of the Barat Party are offered Vidai after serving breakfast and Handia. The members of the Barat and Sarat Party Shake hands and embrance each other at the time of departure.
When the bride reaches the house of the groom, a joyous scene comes into existence. The female kins of the groom extend hearty welcome to the bride and the groom. They are brought in the Marawa by putting their legs in Baskets. In Marawa, the couple seek the blessings of the family deity and the elder kins present there. Then all members share the marriage feast.
The bride stays with the groom for a week. Then she goes back to mayake with his father brother. She remains there for a yar. After one year, the groom goes to bring the bride. The father of the bride makes Vidai of the bride and the groom with dresses, sweets and money. The bride comes and starts living with husband. She starts cooking food for the husband. Both reproduce children and inter in to family life. They work hard to run the family.
Kinship
In the Chero society, like other tribal societies, kinship presents a model of relationship based on parentage and marriage. The blood relation is transmitted through parentage from one generation to the next. On the concept of blood relation an individual has his/her ascendants and descendants. Lineage and clan are consanguineal kin groups. Parentage is present before the marriage of an individual.
It is beyond doubt that blood relation continues generation after generation, but it is transmitted through the marriage. Because, marriage provides legitimacy to the children born from the couple. For the marriage, the Chero follow the rule of tribe endogamy and clan exogamy. The Chero community is divided into different clans. Some of them are Chotamawar, Barka Mawar, Chotaka Kuar, Barahaka Kuar, mahato, Manjhia, Samwat, and Rautia. There clans are exogamous. They do not practice cross-cousin marriage. They consider blood relative up to three generation from the father and the mother side. Previously, the Chero had marital relation with the Rajputs and Kharwar. But now a days, they do not allow inter tribe and caste marriages.
The Chero community of the Palamu are divided into two endogamous groups namely Barahazari and Terahazari, Barahazari consider themselves superior to the Terahazari because they claim themselves as descendants of the ruling Chero family. Barahazari are the illegitimate off springs of Barahazari. Both practice endogamy and the clan exogamy. The Terahazari have the same clans as that of the Barahazari.
The Chero have patrilineral inheritance and succession. The daughters do not inherit the property, post and title of the father. The property of sonless couple is inherited by husband’s brother’s son. The adopted son can inherit the property of the father.
In the Chero society, different kins behave following the rules of avoidance, joking and takenonymy. Sasur-Damad, Sasur-putoh, Sas-Damad, Sas-Putoh, Bhawah-Bhainsur, Jyestha Sala- Bahnoi, Jayestha Sali-Bahnoi, etc hebave following the rule of avoidance. They do not come face to face, do not talk and do not take the name of each other. On the other hand, Sala-Jija, Sali-Jija, Devar-Byhabhi, nanad-Bhabhi, Nandoi-Sarhaj, behave following the rule of joking. They appear face to face, cut jokes and have discussions frequently. The husband and the wife behave following the rule of takenonymy. They do not take the name of each other directly. They use son or daughter is a medium of referring to each other.
The Chero use generally descriptive kinship terminology. But they also use classificatory kinship terminology.
All kindred of an individual re invited to participate in marriage and death ceremonies. Exchange of invitation, gift, and presents takes place on those occasions between the kins.
Birth
Birth is treated as very auspicious occasion for the couple, family and the community. The birth proves the fertility power of the couple. It also washes away the stain of barrenness from a couple. The birth enhances the status of a couple as father and mother. The birth continues the family name and blood relation from one generation to the next. The birth brings addition of the members in the community.
Although the birth is joyous and auspicious occasion for the family, but it brings pollution period for five days. The birth generally takes place in the house. Chamain attends the birth. She works as attendant of the child and the mother in the delivery room. No one is allowed to enter in to delivery room except the attendant. The navel is cut with bamboo knife. All delivery wastes are buried under the ground at a lonely place in absence of any one. This is done to avoid the attack of the evil spirit and the witchrafts. Strict vigil is kept on the baby and the mother. A branch of thorny plant is put on the gate. Fire is kept burning round the clock. A lamp is kept lighted for the whole night and a knife is placed by the side of the mother.
The first milk of the mother is put on the earth. Milk is served to the baby after hours. The child is covered in an old cloth. On the 6th day, entire rooms courtyards, utensils, furnitures and clothes. They baby and the mother are allowed for a purificatory bath in presence of the female members of the community who are invited to sing Geet. After the bathing rituals, the baby and the mother go to the family deity to seek blessings. They also seek the blessings of the elders present there. The name giving ceremony is held after a month. Food serving is done after the eruption of the first tooth. Mundan ceremony is held after 2 years and earboring is done at the age of 3 years. Marriage is held between 10 to 12 years for girls and 15 to 22 years for the boys. After marriage, they enter into family life and struggle hard to run the family.
Death
Death is a natural phenomenon with which the Chero are familiar. They know well that every individual has to meet the death. But they make a difference between deaths. The death during oldhood is taken as good because it transforms the old and diseased body in to new one by rebirth or taking abode in ancestral world. But the death during childhood and younghood is taken very bad. They believe that people meet death in childhood and younghood as a curse of evil spirits. The deaths in the periods as well as unnatural deaths result in the creation of Bhuta-Preta or malevolent spirits. They are dissatisfied sound and wonder from here and there till their rest life. As they are dissatisfied, they make attack on infants, children, bride, groom, milch cattle, etc. to satisfy their souls temporarily. They are driven out by the witch doctor of the community or neighbouring community.
The death brings pollution period in the family, lineage and clan for nine days. The death is mourned at lineage and clan level who observe pollution and food taboos. Women do not perform bath. Turmeric and oil are not used in food and body till the end of the pollution period. On 10th day, the females of the lineage and clan wash their house, furniture, utensils etc. They on the bank of tank to wash clothes and perform purificatory bath. They get their nails cut. The males of the lineage and the clan have their hair, beard and moustache shaved. They put oil on the head and go to perform bath in the tank. They return home and take part in the ancestral worship at the burial ground. When the worship is over, they come and share the purificatory feast. This marks the end of the death pollution period.
Economy
The Chero economy is characterized by the agriculture and wage earning as casual labour. Each Chero family owns some own agriculture land. Those who have sufficient land have plough, oxen and buffalo. They also have goat, cow, and calves to supplement the income. But those families who do not posses sufficient land for cultivation do not have plough and oxen. They have agricultural iron implements. But get plough and oxen on exchange of labour. For one day plough and oxen, one individual has to render labour for a day. In other words, the labour of one pair of oxen is equivalent to the labour of an individual in a day
They do the cultivation of Vadai, Aghani and Rabi crops. In tanr land and Bari land, they cultivate maize, marua, kurathi and vegetables. They become ready for harvesting between Bhado to Kartik months. They are cultivated in the month of early June by dry methods. In the Don land, they cultivate paddy by wet method in the month of July but seeds are dropped for seedlings in the month of middle June. They are harvested in the month of Agahan (October November). The field is ploughed by men and transplanting of seedlings is done by the women. The children also enjoy the scene of transplanting. A month after sowing/transplantation weeding is done. Then the field is watched properly in the day by the female or children and at night by the young and adult members. Now days, manuring is also done spraying urea fertilizer. The paddy is cultivated in the month of November and December. The crops are cut and left for dry. After four five days, bundles are made and brought in the threshing field by head load or by shoulder load. Threshing is done with cows, oxen and buffaloes. The grains are cleared by winnowing tray. When the grains come in the house, they celebrate the occasion. Rice is prepared with Okhali or Denki. It is cooked and shared with handia. The lineage and the clan families are invited to share the feast. They also perform dance on this occasion. They thank the God for good and successful harvest.
The cultivation of Rabi crops is very poor. Rabi crops are cultivated in very little acreage situated nearby the village. As they do not have assured means or irrigation, they do not cultivate wheat and Garma Crops.
The agricultural land of the Chero does not provide them gainful engagement round the year. They are engaged in agriculture for 6 to 8 months, for rest 6 to 4 months; they are dependent upon selling their labour. Nearby wage earning is done by the adult members of all families. Those who do not have sufficient land do work as agricultural labour in agricultural season. After agriculture, they seek work in brick kiln and construction. They also migrate in other places for work and wages inside as well as out side of the State. As labour, they do not get work regularly. They have also to face the situation of unemployment. As labour they have to perform 10 to 12 hours in a day, but they do not get payment as recommended by the Government time to time. The female labourers are paid little in comparison to male labourers.
The family income of the Chero is less than the family expenditure. Naturally, they have to take loan from the landowners or the Mahajan. Saving is not known to them. Their economy is not profit oriented. It is consumption oriented.
They visit the weekly Haat to do the marketing of the grains, oil, spices, salt, loaf sugar, sugar etc. Clothes are purchased on festivals and marriage. They also purchase sweets from the haat. They get credit facilities in the Haat by the middle men who know them well. They repay the loan and interest after harvesting or the payment of the wages at week end.
Few of them are in small Government jobs like teacher, Karamchari, VLW etc. But they, too, do not pay attention towards saving, drinking habit make their economic condition more deplorable. In reality, they are struggling hard to maintain their existence.
Political Organisation
The Chero have their community Panchayat to settle the cases related to marriages, divorce, property division, theft, destruction of property, adultery rape, and extra marital relation. All heads of the families are the members of the community Panchayat. They select one of members as Pradhan. The decision is taken unanimously. The payment of fine is a must for community living. The non-payment of fine results in the excommunication from the caste.
Previously Chero belonged to land lords and Zamindars. As landlords and Zamindars they exercised powers. But now they are resource less and powerless. They are not in a position to elect MLA and MP from their community because they do not have required numerical strength. They know the names of some political parties and their symbols. But they do not take active part in the election. They also visit Thana court for justice.
Religion
The religion of the Chero indicates impact of Hinduism. They celebrate Sarhul, Sohrai, karma, Jitia, Dusehara, Diwali, Chhat, Holi, Ramnawami etc. They worship lord shiva, Devi Bhagwati and Lord Hanumana. They also make pilgrimage of Hindu Tirthas. They have Shakaldwipi Brahmanas or kankubja Brahmanas as their village priest. In order to please the deities, they make sacrifice of goats. They Brahman priest accepts food and water from the Chero, who claim themselves as Kshatriya. Previously, they took active interest in dance on festive and ceremonial occasions. But now, they do not like dancing.
The Chero believe in Bhuta-Preta and witchcraft. They make several kinds of totaka to neutralize the effect of evil spirits and witchcraft. They also go to witch doctor for the cure of attack of Bhuta-Preta and witchcraft.
Woman
The Chero women are hard working by nature. Although they belonged to landlords and Zamindar families, but now they do not hesitate in working in the field and earning wages. They get up in the early morning, perform house hold chores, and do cooking of food and serving food to family members. By 8.30 am they get ready for work in the field, forest, house construction, road construction, mines etc. But they get payment less than their male counterparts for the same work. In the evening, they do bathing, cooking, serving food to family members and then go to bed. Women are producer and nourisher of children. They are custodian of culture and the first teacher of the first school called family. They play valuable role in the socialization of children. But they have to follow a number of taboos which deprive them from various kinds of rights and freedom. They can not buy property in their name. They can not sell property of husband. They can not take decision of their own. They can not possess any kind of property. They are not members of community Panchayat. They are not sacred specialist. When they perform too, much worship, they are levelled as learning witchcraft. When their husbands are dead or their sons die, they are abused as witch. Although, the government has provided them voting right but, they do not like to visit booth for casting their votes.
Chlldren
The Chero children are not very much conscious towards their education. They are enrolled in the schools, but do not attend school regularly, Not going to school is not taken bad by the parents. Because parents keep them engaged in household chores or earning little wages to raise the family income. In peak agricultural season, children are also engaged, but in off season, they play games like Andi, Goti, Bagh Bakari, Barahgharawa, kabadi, Chika, Dol patta, Guli Danda etc. In the childhood, children enjoy full freedom. But in the young hood, they are left to lead their family life.
Young
The Chero young are energetic and industrious by nature, but they are facing the problem of unemployment. They do not get work round the year in agriculture. They want to earn wages in off season. But they do not get work as causal labour. They move at different places for work but when they do not get work properly, they get frustrated. In frustration, they are attracted towards liquor. But drinking habit makes them more and more poor. They do not take interest in work and family. They become mentally handicapped. They survive on the work and wages earned by their wives and children. Few get so frustrated that they start doing theft, loot, murder etc.
Aged
The Chero aged are fully aware of their economic status during their childhood. They do not expect much from their family members to spend more and more on their treatment. They know the economic limit of their family. They want good behaviour and both ends meal in time. When the food is cooked, it is served first to the aged and children. They receive good behaviour. They are surrounded by the children to hear tales, stories, riddles, sons, etc. They are invited to be present in ceremonies to seek their blessings. The community members seek blessings of the aged on festive, occasion, too. Thus, they enjoy ceremonial and ritualistic value in the society.
Development
Being one of the scheduled tribes, the Chero have been entitled to enjoy various schemes meant for educational and economic development of the scheduled tribes. They are also entitled to enjoy the welfare schemes meant for the scheduled tribes. But it is important that these schemes of development schemes have not brought positive results in Chero Society. They are still backward and far away from the mainstream of development. It is true that some positive changes have been brought among the Chero towards the adoption of modern beliefs and practices. But they have not been benefited much by educational schemes and schemes for economic development.
This page has been developed and maintained by Jharkhand Volunteer*
© Jharkhand Org
Jharkhand.ORG (India) -> www.jharkhand.org.in
Jharkhand.ORG (United States) -> www.jharkhand.us
Jharkhand.ORG (United Kingdom) -> www.jharkhand.org.uk
*Jharkhand Volunteer is a group of virtual volunteers; it maintains websites, video blogs and forum for Jharkhand Org.